Pastoralists in the Modern World

1. Who Are Pastoralists?

Pastoralists are people who rear animals and move from place to place in search of pasture and water. They do not settle permanently in one location. Pastoral communities exist across the world — in the mountains and plateaus of India, the deserts and grasslands of Africa, the steppes of Central Asia, and the semi-arid zones of the Middle East.

Pastoralists are often incorrectly seen as "wanderers" with no fixed purpose. In reality, their movement is carefully planned, following seasonal cycles, known routes, and established relationships with farming communities along the way. Pastoralists play an important role in the economy:

• They supply milk, meat, wool, leather, and animals for agriculture (bullocks for ploughing).
• They help in the circulation of goods between distant regions.
• Their animals graze on harvested fields, fertilising the soil with dung.
• They maintain the ecological health of grasslands and semi-arid zones through controlled, rotating grazing.

In the modern era — especially under colonial rule and after — pastoralists have faced serious challenges: loss of grazing lands, restrictions on movement, new administrative rules, and environmental crises such as drought and famine.

2. Pastoral Communities in India

India's pastoral communities are spread across mountains, plateaus, and dry plains. Each community has developed a unique system adapted to local geography.

2a. Dhangars of Maharashtra

• Dhangars are an important pastoral community of Maharashtra. They rear sheep, goats, and sometimes buffaloes.
• During the monsoon, they stay in the central plateau of Maharashtra — a semi-arid region where sparse rain grows enough dry scrub for their flocks. They sell wool here.
• After the harvest (around October), they move west towards Konkan (the coastal strip). Here they exchange wool and manure for rice with Konkani farmers.
• By the time the monsoon returns (around June), they leave Konkan and return to the plateau — because Konkan's heavy rainfall is unsuitable for their flocks.
• This is a cycle of roughly 6 months on the plateau and 6 months in Konkan, carefully timed to rainfall patterns.

2b. Bakarwals of Jammu and Kashmir

• Bakarwals are one of the most well-known mountain pastoral communities. They rear goats and sheep in the high Himalayas.
• In winter, the high mountain passes are snowbound, so they move to the low hills of the Siwalik range and the plains of Jammu.
• As snow melts in spring (around April), they move northward and upward to the high meadows of Kashmir for summer pasture.
• The entire community — men, women, children, and herds — travels along traditional routes called dhoks, used for generations.

2c. Gaddi Shepherds of Himachal Pradesh

• Gaddi shepherds spend winter in the low-altitude Siwalik hills of Himachal Pradesh.
• As summer approaches, they climb to the high Himalayan pastures of Lahul and Spiti.
• They are known for their distinctive woollen clothing and expert knowledge of mountain routes and passes.

2d. Gujjars of Himachal Pradesh and UP

• Gujjar herders are found in Himachal Pradesh (where they are also called Van Gujjars) and in the hills and plains of Uttar Pradesh.
• In the hills they rear cattle and buffaloes, moving to high alpine pastures (bugyals) in summer and returning to low hills in winter.
• In many parts of UP, Gujjars herd buffaloes and sell milk in towns and cities.

2e. Raikas of Rajasthan

• Raikas are one of the most important pastoral communities of Rajasthan. They believe they were created by God to care for camels.
• Maru Raikas herd camels; Chalkia Raikas herd sheep and goats.
• During the monsoon (July–October), the Maru Raikas stay in their home villages in Barmer, Jaisalmer, Jodhpur, and Bikaner — sparse monsoon rain provides enough desert pasture.
• After the rains, they move to the Rann of Kutch (Gujarat), or to Haryana and UP, looking for pasture for their camels.
• By the next monsoon they return home. Raikas have traditionally supplied camels to the army and to camel-cart operators, but modern transport has drastically reduced demand.

2f. Gollas, Kurumas, and Kurubas of the Deccan

• These communities of the Deccan plateau (Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka) herd cattle, sheep, and goats.
• Gollas specialise in cattle; Kurumas and Kurubas in sheep and goat. They move across districts and states depending on season and rainfall.

3. Seasonal Migration Patterns in India

The key logic behind all pastoral migration in India is simple: move to where pasture and water are available, and away from where they are not. Two broad patterns exist:

3a. Mountain Pastoralism — Vertical Migration (Transhumance)

Mountain pastoralists practise transhumance — vertical migration between low-altitude winter pastures and high-altitude summer pastures.

• Winter: Low hills, valleys, and plains — snowfall makes high pastures inaccessible.
• Summer: High alpine meadows — snow melts, fresh nutritious grass grows.
• Examples: Bakarwals, Gaddis, Van Gujjars in the Himalayas.

3b. Plains and Plateau Pastoralism — Horizontal Migration

In peninsular India and Rajasthan, pastoralists move horizontally across districts and states.

• Monsoon: Stay near home where sparse rain provides pasture.
• Dry season: Move to areas with river banks, canal-irrigated fields, or other states with available pasture.
• Examples: Dhangars (Maharashtra to Konkan), Raikas (Rajasthan to Gujarat / Haryana).

3c. Key Features of Migration Routes

• Routes are traditional and generational — communities have established rights over specific paths and passes.
• Pastoralists have exchange agreements with farmers along the routes — animals graze harvested fields (providing manure), and herders receive grain in return.
• Timing of migration is decided by experienced elders based on ecological observation — snowmelt, rainfall, and grass availability.
• Entire families travel with their herds; temporary shelters and portable equipment are standard.

4. Colonial Rule and Its Impact on Pastoralists

British colonial rule brought dramatic changes to pastoral life. The colonial government had two main goals: expand agriculture (to increase land revenue) and control forests (for timber). Both goals came at the direct expense of pastoralists.

4a. Waste Land Rules

• The British classified land that appeared "uncultivated" as waste land.
• Under various Wasteland Acts from the mid-19th century, such land was taken by the government and given to peasants to cultivate.
• Pastoralists who had used these open commons for grazing found their pastures enclosed and converted to fields.
• The government saw only agriculture as "productive" — pastoral nomadism was dismissed as backward and unproductive.

4b. The Forest Acts (1865, 1878, 1927)

• The British took control of forests for timber production (teak and sal for railways and shipbuilding).
• Forests were classified as Reserved (no grazing by outsiders), Protected (grazing rights could be revoked), or Village forests.
• Pastoralists who had grazed in forests for centuries were suddenly declared encroachers.
• Without forest grazing in the dry season, many herds could not survive — herders had no alternative dry-season pasture.

4c. The Criminal Tribes Act (1871)

• The British were deeply suspicious of nomadic communities — people who moved constantly were seen as potential criminals.
• The Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 classified several nomadic pastoral and artisan communities as "criminal tribes" — every member was assumed a criminal by birth.
• These communities had to register with the police, report their movements, and could not move without police permission.
• This directly prevented seasonal migration, destroying the pastoral way of life.
• The Act was repealed after Independence (1952); communities were reclassified as "de-notified tribes" but many still face social stigma.

4d. Grazing Tax

• The colonial government introduced taxes on grazing cattle in forests and on pasture land.
• The right to collect grazing tax was often auctioned to contractors, who extracted maximum money from herders.
• This imposed a heavy financial burden on communities that earned little cash income.

4e. Canal Irrigation and Expansion of Cultivation

• Massive canal irrigation systems in Punjab and Sind converted dry open scrublands — used by Raikas and other pastoralists as dry-season grazing grounds — into irrigated agricultural zones.
• Pastoralists lost yet more of their traditional pasture to this expansion of cultivation.

5. Overgrazing and Reduced Pastures

The combined effect of colonial policies was a dramatic shrinkage of available pasture land. This had a cascading effect on both the environment and the communities:

• With less land available, the same number of animals had to graze on smaller areas — leading to overgrazing.
• Overgrazing strips the ground of vegetation, causing soil erosion and, over time, desertification.
• The quality of pasture declined, leading to weaker, less productive animals — affecting the income and food security of herders.
• Pastoralists could no longer support as large a herd as before; the economic foundation of their lives weakened.
• In Rajasthan, the Rann of Kutch ecosystem was stressed by increased grazing pressure when dry-season pastures elsewhere were closed.
• In the Deccan, the conversion of grasslands to farms meant the Gollas and Kurumas had shrinking corridors to move through.

The problem was not that pastoralists were inherently inefficient. It was that the regulated seasonal movement that had kept pastures sustainable for centuries was destroyed by colonial policies that ignored centuries of traditional ecological knowledge.

6. How Pastoralists Responded — Adaptation, Migration, Diversification

Pastoralists were not passive victims. They adapted in several creative ways to survive the new pressures:

6a. Reduction in Herd Size

• With less pasture available, the practical response was to keep fewer animals.
• This reduced income but was necessary for survival — a smaller herd could be fed on the remaining pasture.
• Wealthier herders could maintain larger herds by paying contractors and bribing officials; poorer herders were worst hit.

6b. Diversification of Occupations

• Many pastoralists took up part-time agriculture on whatever small plots of land they could access.
• Some began doing wage labour in towns, mines, and on construction projects during lean seasons.
• Others became petty traders, selling household goods or working as artisans.
• Raikas diversified into transport work using their camels to carry goods — though this declined with motor transport.

6c. Finding New Pastures and Routes

• Pastoralists found new routes and new grazing areas, including fallowed agricultural fields where farmers gave permission in exchange for manure.
• Some communities accessed the edges of forests that were not yet "reserved" or found semi-legal access to protected areas.
• New agreements were formed with landlords to use the stubble on harvested fields.

6d. Semi-Settlement

• Some pastoral families sent their children to school and sought government jobs, while one member continued herding.
• Gradually, some communities began semi-settling — maintaining a home base and sending only part of the family with the herd.

6e. Political Mobilisation After Independence

• After 1947, pastoral communities began to organise politically, demanding recognition of rights to traditional pastures and routes.
• The repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act (1952) gave nomadic communities legal freedom of movement.
• Organisations like the Lokhit Pashu-Palak Sansthan (LPPS) in Rajasthan today work to document traditional pastoral knowledge and secure rights for communities like the Raikas.

7. Pastoralists in Africa — The Maasai

Africa has some of the world's most famous pastoral communities. The Maasai of East Africa are the best-studied example of how colonialism transformed pastoral life.

7a. Who Are the Maasai?

• The Maasai are a pastoral people who traditionally inhabited the semi-arid grasslands of what is now Kenya and Tanzania.
• They rear primarily cattle. Among the Maasai, wealth is measured in the number of cattle one owns.
• Traditionally, Maasai believed all cattle in the world belonged to them by divine right — this sometimes justified raiding cattle from other communities.
• Their society was organised around age sets (groups of similar-age people): young men were warriors (ilmoran), older men were elders who made all major decisions.
• Before the 1880s, Maasai pasture lands extended over most of what is now Kenya and northern Tanzania.

7b. The Colonial Division of the Maasai Homeland

• At the Berlin Conference (1884–85), European powers divided Africa into colonies.
• The Maasai homeland was divided between British East Africa (Kenya) and German East Africa (Tanzania).
• This international boundary cut through the heart of Maasai grazing lands, preventing traditional long-range migration routes across what was now an international border.

7c. Loss of Grazing Grounds

• The British colonial government in Kenya encouraged white settlers to farm the fertile highlands — the best Maasai dry-season grazing grounds.
• The Maasai were pushed into two separate reserves in southern Kenya, losing approximately 60 percent of their pre-colonial territory.
• The southern reserve was separated from the north by a corridor of white-settler farms. Movement between the two reserves was controlled.
• Large areas were designated as game reserves and national parks (e.g., Maasai Mara, Serengeti). Pastoralists were expelled — even though their grazing had maintained these ecosystems for centuries.

7d. Social Changes: Rich and Poor Maasai

• The colonial administration tried to work through chiefs — a concept foreign to Maasai society, where authority lay with elders and age sets.
• Maasai who cooperated with the British — educated men who became interpreters, traders, or administrators — accumulated wealth and power at the expense of traditional elders and warriors.
• The traditional warrior class (ilmoran) lost their role: cattle raiding was now illegal, and defending the community from rival groups was no longer necessary in the same way.
• A new class of wealthier Maasai emerged; poorer Maasai were increasingly marginalised — a sharp class divide replaced the more egalitarian traditional structure.

7e. Impact of Game Reserves and National Parks

• Colonial (and later post-colonial) approaches to wildlife conservation assumed that people and wildlife could not coexist.
• National parks like the Serengeti and Maasai Mara were established by removing the Maasai from their ancestral lands.
• The Maasai were forbidden from hunting in these areas — even though they had coexisted with wildlife sustainably for centuries.
• Today, some Maasai earn income by performing cultural shows for safari tourists — a role many find degrading compared to their past autonomy.

8. Droughts and Famines Affecting Pastoralists

Throughout their history, pastoralists have faced periodic droughts and famines — natural disasters that hit herders especially hard because they depend entirely on animals, and animals depend entirely on pasture and water.

8a. The Great Catastrophe of the 1890s — Maasai

• The 1890s brought a devastating combination of crises to the Maasai:
• A severe drought killed much of the pasture across East Africa.
• An epidemic of rinderpest (a cattle disease) swept across Africa, destroying vast numbers of Maasai cattle — the very basis of their wealth and food supply.
• Simultaneously, smallpox epidemics killed many Maasai people.
• By the end of the 1890s, the Maasai had lost 50 to 90 percent of their cattle herds.
• This catastrophe weakened the Maasai at the exact moment British colonisers were encroaching on their lands — making resistance far harder.

8b. Droughts in India — Rajasthan and the Raikas

• The Raikas and other Rajasthan pastoralists have been repeatedly devastated by droughts, including those of the 1930s and 1970s–80s.
• Without water in the desert, pasture dries up. Animals that survived had to be sold cheaply to avoid starvation.
• Many Raika men migrated to cities for wage work — the beginning of a trend toward economic diversification.
• Droughts of the 1980s particularly devastated the camel population among Raikas.

8c. Traditional Coping Strategies — and Their Destruction

Pastoralists had built-in coping strategies for drought:

• Diversified herds: Keeping cattle, goats, sheep, and camels together so some animals survive any one disease or drought.
• Social safety nets: In crisis, the community pooled resources — richer members helped poorer ones in exchange for loyalty and labour.
• Rapid movement: If local pasture failed, communities could move quickly to distant areas with better conditions.

Colonial restrictions on movement directly undermined all three strategies — communities could not move freely, could not access distant pastures, and colonial disruption had already weakened community solidarity. The result was that droughts that earlier would have caused hardship now caused catastrophe.

8d. After Independence

• After 1947, the Indian government initiated some rehabilitation programmes for pastoral communities.
• The Criminal Tribes Act was repealed (1952), restoring freedom of movement in law.
• However, new national parks and wildlife sanctuaries again excluded pastoral access — repeating the colonial pattern in a new form.
• Today, organisations like LPPS (Lokhit Pashu-Palak Sansthan) in Rajasthan and others advocate for pastoralists' rights and document traditional ecological knowledge.

9. Solved NCERT Textbook Questions